By Ahmad Rafat
On March 5, Reuters reported that Dmitry Peskov, the Kremlin spokesperson, confirmed that Iran was a topic of discussion during a Feb. 18 meeting in Riyadh between Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
The primary focus of the meeting was seeking a resolution to the Ukraine war.
Peskov further emphasized that Iran’s nuclear program would be a key topic in future U.S.-Russia negotiations.
On Feb. 4, Bloomberg reported that Russia had agreed to assist the Trump administration on issues like Iran’s nuclear program and Tehran’s support for militant groups in the region.
Confirming the report, Peskov noted that while the nuclear issue was discussed, the topic of Iran’s proxy groups would be addressed separately in future talks.
“We expect separate discussions on this topic,” he said, adding that Russia had proposed it as a distinct subject for upcoming consultations.
The reelection of U.S. President Donald Trump has given rise to developments that previously seemed unimaginable.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has reemerged as a key figure in international politics. The meeting between Rubio and Lavrov in Saudi Arabia on Feb. 18 – after the phone call between Trump and Putin on Feb. 12 — officially marks the return of a new Cold War era.
However, unlike the 1960s, the significant transformations that have taken place on both sides, East and West, cannot be overlooked.
China has emerged as the world’s second-largest economic power in the new millennium — a far cry from the 1960s, when it was an economy aligned with the Soviet Union.
Meanwhile, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Europe has become politically more stable and geographically larger, with many of its former communist allies now part of the European Union (EU) or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
Putin’s involvement in efforts to prevent the Islamic Republic from obtaining nuclear weapons, as well as Russia’s role as a potential mediator between Tehran and Washington, are contentious issues.
Within Iran’s leadership, opinions on this matter are divided.
Ali Motahari, former Second Deputy Speaker of the Majlis (Iranian Parliament), and Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, former head of the Majlis’s National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, are vocal critics of Tehran’s close relationship with Moscow. They firmly believe that Putin’s Russia will ultimately prioritize its negotiations with Trump’s America over its alliance with Iran.
In an interview with several media outlets, Falahatpisheh referred to the recent meeting between Rubio and Lavrov in Riyadh, stating that “peace negotiations between Russia and the U.S. regarding Ukraine have entered a new phase.”
He also described Lavrov’s recent visit to Tehran as a “worrying trip,” cautioning that “Iran must not once again be used as a pawn in the dealings between Russia and the U.S., and Moscow should not leverage Iran as a bargaining chip in its negotiations with Washington.”
Falahatpisheh argued that discussions with Europe to revive the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the Iran nuclear deal, were “sacrificed for the Ukraine war.”
Kremlin Confirms Russia Is Ready to Help Resolve Iran’s ‘Nuclear Problem’
He expressed concerns that Iran could now be sacrificed for the sake of Ukraine’s peace, warning that “if Russia attempts to use Iran as leverage in its negotiations with the U.S., it will represent one of the most significant betrayals in Iran’s foreign policy history.”
Motahari also shared his thoughts on the social media platform X, stating: “With Russia now seeking sanction relief in alignment with the U.S. over Ukraine, it is possible that it may sacrifice Iran — its ally in bypassing sanctions and navigating the Ukraine war — at America’s request, much like it abandoned Iran in Syria.”
Russia formally acknowledged Iran as a strategic partner in January this year by signing a comprehensive partnership agreement. Over the past few years, an ongoing debate has been about what aspect of this relationship qualifies it as strategic.
With trade between the two countries totaling less than $4 billion by the end of 2024, it is difficult to argue that their cooperation reaches a strategic level based solely on economic ties. Such a claim can only be substantiated through significant security and military collaboration.
Whether historically or at the present time, most Iranians perceive Russia as an untrustworthy partner.
In recent years, conspiracy theories have further fueled this distrust. For instance, Mohammad Javad Zarif, the well-known “smiling face” of Iran’s diplomacy, resigned from his position as Vice President for Strategic Affairs in President Massoud Pezeshkian’s government shortly after Lavrov visited Tehran.
This visit occurred just 48 hours after Lavrov met with his American counterpart in Riyadh, leading many to suspect the two events were connected. According to sources within Iran’s political circles, Zarif’s removal was allegedly one of Lavrov’s demands during his talks with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi.
Many in Iran, as well as opposition groups to the Islamic Republic, believe that Russia benefits from Iran’s isolation and sanctions and thus actively works to prevent Tehran from reconciling with Europe.
However, agreeing to Russia’s role as a mediator in negotiations with the U.S. would require a shift in the political dynamics within the Islamic Republic, particularly among the hardline factions.
These factions staunchly oppose any concessions to the West, especially the U.S., while maintaining strong ties to Russia.
Russia’s involvement in potential talks between the Islamic Republic and the U.S. could cause a deep divide within these hardline groups and further complicate the position of a government already grappling with regional and international isolation, as well as a severe economic crisis.
