By Ahmad Rafat
In less than a week, two hostages were freed from prisons in the Islamic Republic of Iran and returned to their respective countries: Cecilia Sala, an Italian journalist, and Nahid Taghavi, a German-Iranian citizen.
At the same time, Mohammad Abedini Najafabadi — the alleged designer of the Sepehr Integrated Navigation System used in the Shahed drones — was released from Italian prisons on Jan. 12 after being detained at Milan’s airport on Dec. 16 at the request of the United States government.
Just hours later, Abedini left Italy for Iran.
The Sepehr Integrated Navigation System is developed, produced, and sold by the Iran-based Sanat Danesh Rahpooyan Aflak Company (SDRA). It is reportedly used in military drones, cruise missiles, and ballistic missiles.
The Shahed drones are Iranian unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs) and loitering munitions created by Shahed Aviation Industries, an aerospace company connected to the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps Aerospace Force (IRGC-ASF).
Abedini boarded the same Falcon jet that had transported Sala to Italy four days earlier. This jet is usually reserved for Italian government and security officials, and used for official and unofficial travel. On rare occasions, it has been used to transport non-Italian citizens.
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While Carlo Nordio, Italy’s justice minister in Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s right-wing government, stated that Abedini’s Jan. 12 liberation “had nothing to do with Cecilia Sala’s release,” he acknowledged that “these two cases were parallel but unrelated.”
Still, it is unprecedented for a foreign detainee to be sent back to their home country aboard a Falcon jet, which is typically used only for official purposes by the government and the security services.
The Milan Court of Appeals was due to meet on Jan. 15 to consider Abedin’s request for conditional release. Since Milan’s prosecutor, Francesca Nanni, opposed his release, the Italian justice minister had to exercise his authority to free an accused individual who had not yet been convicted.
Prime Minister Meloni invoked the second clause of the extradition agreement between Italy and the U.S., rejecting any request for Abedini’s extradition to the U.S. even before the court’s ruling, scheduled for Jan. 30.
Under this clause, Italy will only extradite criminals to the U.S. if the crimes that they are accused of are also considered offenses in Italy. The U.S. Department of Justice accuses Abedini of collaborating with a terrorist group, specifically the IRGC. However, aside from Sweden, no European country has designated the IRGC as a terrorist organization. So the accusation against Abedini does not hold in Italy.
Another charge involved his alleged role in producing the Shahed drones. Yet working with one’s home country’s military industry is not considered a crime in Italy. As a result, neither of the two charges brought by the U.S. Justice Department against Abedini provided a valid basis for his extradition.
The question that arises is why Minister Nordio did not await the verdicts of the two courts, and instead, used his power to order Abedini’s release and block his extradition to the U.S.
There are several reasons behind this decision.
To secure Sala’s release, the Italian government reportedly committed to freeing Abedini and swiftly sending him back to Iran. In confidential negotiations mediated by Qatar between Giovanni Caravelli — head of Italy’s foreign intelligence service, Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Esterna (AISE) — and Esmaeil Khatib — Iran’s Minister of Intelligence — the Italian government reportedly agreed to expedite Abedini’s release to secure Sala’s freedom.
Italy was concerned that if the case dragged on and got caught up in the judicial process, the Islamic Republic might take additional Italian citizens hostage to expedite Abedini’s release.
More than 500 Italian-Iranian dual nationals reportedly live in the Islamic Republic.
The decision to release Abedini, bypassing the Italian judiciary and accommodating the Iranian government’s requests, was reportedly the primary reason for Elisabetta Belloni’s resignation as director of Italy’s Department of Information for Security.
Belloni, a veteran diplomat overseeing Italy’s intelligence agencies, stepped down in late December amidst the negotiations for Sala’s release. According to the Italian media, her resignation stemmed from disagreements over the negotiations with the Islamic Republic and the choice of Qatar as a mediator because of its close ties with Tehran.
Italy’s diplomatic role was marginalized throughout the negotiations to exchange Sala and Abedini.
When Italian journalist Sala was freed from Tehran’s Evin Prison, Paola Amadei, Italy’s ambassador to Tehran, happened to be at the prison for a second meeting with Sala. That’s where she first learned of her release.
Likewise, Antonio Tajani, Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, discovered on Jan. 4 via news websites that Prime Minister Meloni had traveled to Florida to meet with U.S. President-Elect Donald Trump.
Another reason behind Italy’s swift decision to release Abedini, according to some reports, was an implicit agreement between Meloni and Trump.
A source from Italy’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs told Kayhan Life: “The incoming U.S. President demanded that Sala be exchanged for Abedini and that the case be resolved before he took office on Jan. 20, as he did not want the new administration to be involved in a matter that, according to Trump, would only create a headache. “
The source added: “Trump suggested that Meloni shift the blame onto the old man,” meaning to outgoing President Joe Biden.
Additionally, Meloni reportedly made another promise during her meeting with Trump in Florida. She made a similar commitment to President Biden in a phone conversation after his trip to Italy was cancelled because of the deadly California wildfires.
The promise involved sending copies of all documents and hardware seized during Abedini’s detention to the U.S. According to Italian media (which cited police sources in Milan), the documents and evidence gathered are considered highly significant, not only regarding drone programs but also regarding Iran’s nuclear plans.
At the time of his arrest, Abedini had a computer, several hard drives, memory sticks, and two mobile phones in his possession. These are all currently stored in a secure location at the Palace of Justice in Milan. Some of the information contained on the hard drives is reportedly of critical importance.
Although the Italian government has officially closed Abedini’s case, many questions remain unresolved.
It is unclear why Abedini, who was due to fly from Istanbul to Rome, suddenly purchased a different ticket and flew to Milan instead.
Some Italian media outlets speculate that he may have learned about an international arrest warrant and planned to drive to Switzerland, where he reportedly holds citizenship. The drive from Milan’s Malpensa Airport to Switzerland takes less than an hour, and since both countries are part of the Schengen area, there are no border controls.
Why did Abedini choose to go to Rome, a city he had visited multiple times? Who was he intending to meet there? Was he planning to discuss a partnership with Italian companies to replace the American firm that supplied electronic components for the Sepehr system? Who informed him about the international arrest warrant?
These questions are yet to receive satisfactory answers.
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